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Examples of truth commissions that have paid attention to child victims, where children have testified about their experiences and have been able to express their expectations for the future can be counted on the fingers of one hand [58]: by way of example, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission held some [http://www.dogful.com/streams/p/532687/ Hus, troubles in social interaction and resulting problems of, as an example] special children's hearings [https://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.1944 title= per.1944] to allow their experiences to be known to the country [61]; the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission established a protocol with child protection agencies in the country to allow children to participate in the proceedings as witnesses; and in Liberia, a memorandum of understanding between the truth commission and the National Child Protection Network listed various strategies for the protection of children who participated in the commission's hearings, like documenting their experiences and acknowledging their roles in the future development of the country [56]. It is clear that children who are affected by armed conflict can be victims of many sorts, i.e. they can be victims of both the first and the second generation, they can be direct and indirect victims alike, and they can be part of individual and collective victimhood. All three distinctions are not only relevant to understanding the relationship between the harm done and the person(s) affected, but they also constitute important criteria for identifying who can participate in transitional justice mechanisms that are set up to deal with the past and construct a new future. Although mechanisms of transitional justice developed over the last twenty years have paid some attention to children as victims of human rights violations and international crimes, they still have hardly focused on the roles children could play within such mechanisms. Examples of truth commissions that have paid attention to child victims, where children have testified about their experiences and have been able to express their expectations for the future can be counted on the fingers of one hand [58]: by way of example, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission held some special children's hearings [https://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.1944 title= per.1944] to allow their experiences to be known to the country [61]; the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission established a protocol with child protection agencies in the country to allow children to participate in the proceedings as witnesses; and in Liberia, a memorandum of understanding between the truth commission and the National Child Protection Network listed various strategies for the protection of children who participated in the commission's hearings, like documenting their experiences and acknowledging their roles in the future development of the country [56]. Even lesser attention is paid to children in courts and tribunals for criminal prosecutions or civil proceedings: prosecutions of crimes committed against children remains problematic (e.g. in Colombia and the DRCongo),children's access to judicial proceedings tends to be very limited, and special measures to protect them when they [https://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049732312450323 title= 1049732312450320] are included tend to remain exceptional [56]. On the other hand, it should be noted that the first case concluded at the International Criminal Court in The Hague related to the recruitment and conscription of child soldiers in the Eastern DRCongo, for which Thomas Lubanga was sentenced in 2012 [62]. One area of transitional justice that has arguably affected children the most concerns the systems and procedures for reparations set up in many jurisdictions [29].
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Although mechanisms of transitional justice developed over the last [http://www.medchemexpress.com/LCZ696.html LCZ696MedChemExpress Valsartan/sacubitril] twenty years have paid some attention to children as victims of human rights violations and international crimes, they still have hardly focused on the roles children could play within such mechanisms. On the other hand, it should be noted that the first case concluded at the International Criminal Court in The Hague related to the recruitment and conscription of child soldiers in the Eastern DRCongo, for which Thomas Lubanga was sentenced in 2012 [62]. One area of transitional justice that has arguably affected children the most concerns the systems and procedures for reparations set up in many jurisdictions [29]. [http://www.medchemexpress.com/Ornipressin.html POR-8MedChemExpress Ornipressin] Following theDerluyn et al. BMC International Health and Human Rights (2015) 15:Page 6 ofVan Boven/Bassiouni Principles [63], the right to reparation for victims of serious human rights violations is not limited to monetary compensation, but also includes four other categories of reparation: restitution of property and rights, rehabilitation measures (such as material and psychological assistance), satisfaction (.P and pain as a result of the crimes committed, or more widely to encompass persons who have been traumatised as a result of having witnessedthese crimes being committed, such as neighbours, friends and bystanders. The third distinction is based on the time dimension, and relates to first- and secondgeneration victims. According to Huyse [59], violent conflicts can produce a new generation of young people who are traumatised in various ways, and this may be a source of new conflict in the future. It is clear that children who are affected by armed conflict can be victims of many sorts, i.e. they can be victims of both the first and the second generation, they can be direct and indirect victims alike, and they can be part of individual and collective victimhood. All three distinctions are not only relevant to understanding the relationship between the harm done and the person(s) affected, but they also constitute important criteria for identifying who can participate in transitional justice mechanisms that are set up to deal with the past and construct a new future. Although mechanisms of transitional justice developed over the last twenty years have paid some attention to children as victims of human rights violations and international crimes, they still have hardly focused on the roles children could play within such mechanisms. Examples of truth commissions that have paid attention to child victims, where children have testified about their experiences and have been able to express their expectations for the future can be counted on the fingers of one hand [58]: by way of example, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission held some special children's hearings [https://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.1944 title= per.1944] to allow their experiences to be known to the country [61]; the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission established a protocol with child protection agencies in the country to allow children to participate in the proceedings as witnesses; and in Liberia, a memorandum of understanding between the truth commission and the National Child Protection Network listed various strategies for the protection of children who participated in the commission's hearings, like documenting their experiences and acknowledging their roles in the future development of the country [56]. Even lesser attention is paid to children in courts and tribunals for criminal prosecutions or civil proceedings: prosecutions of crimes committed against children remains problematic (e.g.

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